Wall Street Journal
Get Ready for Another North Korean Nuke Test
Iran could soon be
following Pyongyang's example.
By JOHN R. BOLTON
Wednesday, May 20, 2009
The curtain is about to rise again on the long-running nuclear tragicomedy, "North
Korea Outwits the United States." Despite
Kim Jong Il's explicit threats of another
nuclear test, U.S.
Special Envoy Stephen
Bosworth said last week that the Obama administration is "relatively relaxed"
and that "there is not a sense of crisis." They're certainly smiling in
Pyongyang.
In October 2006, North Korea witnessed the incredible diplomatic success it
could reap from belligerence. Its first nuclear test brought resumption of the
six-party talks, which gave Kim Jong Il cover to further advance his
nuclear program.
Now, Kim is poised to succeed again by following precisely the same script. In
April, Pyongyang launched a Taepodong-2 missile, and
National Security Council
official
Gary Samore recently confirmed that a second nuclear test is likely on
the way. The North is set to try two U.S. reporters for "hostile acts." The
state-controlled newspaper calls America "a rogue and a gangster." Kim recently
expelled international monitors from the Yongbyon nuclear complex. And Pyongyang
threatens to "start" enriching
uranium -- a capacity it procured long ago.
A second nuclear test is by no means simply a propaganda ploy. Most experts
believe that the 2006 test was flawed, producing an explosive yield well below
even what the North's scientists had predicted. The scientific and military
imperatives for a second test have been strong for over two years, and the
potential data, experience and other advantages of further testing would be
tremendous.
What the North has lacked thus far is the political opportunity to test without
fatally jeopardizing its access to the six-party talks and the legitimacy they
provide. Despite the State Department's seemingly unbreakable second-term hold
over President Bush, another test after 2006 just might have ended the talks.
So far, the North faces no such threat from the Obama administration. Despite
Pyongyang's aggression, Mr. Bosworth has reiterated that the U.S. is "committed
to dialogue" and is "obviously interested in returning to a negotiating table as
soon as we can." This is precisely what the North wants: America in a
conciliatory mode, eager to bargain, just as Mr. Bush was after the 2006 test.
If the next nuclear explosion
doesn't derail the six-party talks, Kim will rightly conclude that he faces no
real danger of ever having to dismantle his weapons program. North Korea is a
mysterious place, but there is no mystery about its foreign-policy tactics: They
work. The real mystery is why our administrations -- Republican and Democratic
-- haven't learned that their quasi-religious faith in the six-party talks is
misplaced.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently rejected "linkage" in Russia policy
as "old thinking." Disagreement in one area, she argued, shouldn't prevent
working on "something else that is of overwhelming importance." Whatever the
merits of linkage vis-à-vis Russia, de-linking a second North Korean nuclear
test from the six-party talks simply hands Pyongyang permission to proceed.
Even worse, Iran and other aspiring nuclear proliferators will draw precisely
the same conclusion: Negotiations like the six-party talks are a charade and
reflect a continuing collapse of American resolve. U.S. acquiescence in a second
North Korean nuclear test will likely mean that Tehran will adopt Pyongyang's
successful strategy.
It's time for the Obama administration to finally put down Kim Jong Il's script.
If not, we better get ready for Iran -- and others -- to go nuclear.
Mr. Bolton, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, is the author
of "Surrender Is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and
Abroad" (Simon & Schuster, 2007).